FOCUS: In Okinawa Race, Anti-Base Sentiment vs. Economy Divide Blurred

Naha, Okinawa Pref., June 5 (Jiji Press)–Okinawa Prefecture’s gubernatorial election, set for Sept. 13, is shaping up as a de facto one-on-one race between incumbent Governor Denny Tamaki and Genta Koja, a prospective candidate effectively backed by the Liberal Democratic Party. With the conservative camp aiming to regain control of the prefectural government for the first time in 12 years, the election is expected to be a crucial test for the All Okinawa group, which opposes the planned relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps’ Futenma air station within the southern prefecture, from a densely populated residential area in Ginowan to the Henoko coastal district of Nago. No Room for “Economically Inept” Blame For years, Okinawa has been forced into a difficult choice: oppose the U.S. military bases that place a disproportionate burden on the small island prefecture, or pursue economic revitalization through cooperation with the central government on base issues. At a news conference announcing his bid for a third term, Tamaki stressed again that relocating the Futenma base to Henoko was “absolutely unacceptable.” He has continued to demand that the air station be moved out of Okinawa altogether. His renewed opposition drew a clear line of confrontation with Koja, who effectively supports the relocation plan. Even so, construction work has continued after a series of court battles, and the prefectural government has yet to find a viable way to halt the project. A person close to the governor acknowledged that it is “impossible to fight the election on the Henoko issue alone.” Koja, a former deputy mayor of Naha, Okinawa’s capital, and his supporters are seeking to revive the “prefectural residents’ party” strategy that helped Keiichi Inamine win the 1998 gubernatorial election. Backed by the business community, Koja’s campaign hopes to broaden its appeal by playing down his conservative credentials and emphasizing economic promotion and administrative reform. Yet the situation is “completely different” from 1998, according to an LDP member of the prefectural assembly. At that time, the administration of Governor Masahide Ota, a staunch advocate of reducing the U.S. military presence in Okinawa, was criticized for contributing to an economic downturn in the prefecture. Today, buoyed by a vibrant economy and strong demand for tourism in Okinawa, Tamaki has sought to deflect criticism that he is “economically inept.” The once-clear divide between opposition to U.S. military bases and economic revitalization is becoming increasingly blurred. Komeito Votes In April, Koja attended a convention of the Federation of Okinawa Prefecture LDP Branches as a guest. Yasutoshi Nishimura, chair of the party’s Election Strategy Committee, also took part in the event and appealed for support. But officials of the prefectural federation remain keenly aware of the need to maintain sufficient distance between the candidate and the LDP. “If the LDP color becomes too strong, that will drive away unaffiliated voters and Komeito supporters,” one official said. The caution reflects deep-rooted wariness toward the administration of Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, who also serves as LDP president and has adopted an increasingly hard-line stance on security policy. Komeito’s Okinawa chapter has distinguished itself from the LDP on issues related to military bases and peace, including its opposition to the relocation of the Futenma base to Henoko. A senior official of Komeito’s prefectural chapter said that “90 pct of us in the prefecture celebrated” the party’s decision to leave the LDP-led ruling coalition in national politics last year. Referring indirectly to moves within the central government, including calls to review Japan’s three nonnuclear principles of not possessing, producing or permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons, the official said, “These are completely incompatible (with us).” Where Komeito votes ultimately go will be a key test of whether Koja’s camp has succeeded in toning down its LDP image, and whether Tamaki’s side has managed to consolidate the non-LDP vote. Memories or New Start The life of Tamaki, who was born in Okinawa under U.S. military rule to an American serviceman and a woman from the prefecture, reflects the complex history of Okinawa in the aftermath of World War II. When he said at a news conference announcing his candidacy that he had “been born half-Japanese” and spoke of the hardships his family endured, supporters responded with loud applause. By contrast, Koja followed a markedly different path. After graduating from the University of Tokyo, he worked at the internal affairs ministry and in the private sector before becoming deputy mayor of Naha. At 42, Koja aims to capitalize on his youth and his experience in both the public and private sectors. He has built a support network centered on young business leaders and is using social media to broaden his appeal. Still, the head of a conservative economic organization backing Koja said one of his biggest challenges will be reaching voters across generations. “The question is whether elderly voters who have firsthand memories of Okinawa’s poverty in the postwar period will cast their ballots for him,” the official said. With traditional battle lines fading–particularly the tension between opposing military bases and prioritizing economic growth, as well as the divide between conservatism and reform–the upcoming gubernatorial race will serve as a crucial barometer of local sentiment. END [Copyright The Jiji Press, Ltd.]